By Herbert W. Simons, Michael Billig
This interdisciplinary publication addresses the most important questions posed via the postmodernist problem: Is it attainable to mirror and criticize in an age whilst each declare to fact is put below suspicion? Are social critics infected by means of a similar ideological distortions they establish in society? The textual content reports diverse responses to such dilemmas and therefore examines how you can reconstruct social idea and critique following the postmodern assault at the conventional foundations of information. even if political critique and praxis, feminist concerns, ideology or instructing practices, the contributions are united by means of the necessity to flooring a brand new theoretical and political place within the absence of the foundational certainties as soon as professional
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Extra info for After postmodernism: reconstructing ideology critique
Liberal thinkers, too, have taken up the project of ideology critique. Most notably, Karl Mannheim, in Ideology and Utopia (1960), argued that Marx's critical insight was too important to be left to the Marxists. It should be broadened into a general sociology of knowledge, which would explain the structuring of knowledge in all forms of society. Most importantly, this broadening of ideology critique cuts back on itself. Not only does it encompass a critique of Marxism as an ideology with its own ideological illusions, but also the sociology of knowledge needs to explain its own ideological origins and biases.
Hence, a number of difficulties are encountered in the analysis of modernity and postmodernity, notably a constellation of vague concepts and ambiguous and conflicting historical referents and periodizations. At the edge of that unnamed newness, we are like our forebears at the edge of modernization. In our present passage, like theirs before us, there is a hiatus between the word and the world. To find the word those words by which we can truly know ourselves and guide our collective affairs that is the challenge of the 'postmodern' to which we must respond.
Derrida, 1978: 282; Mortley, 1991: 104). Habermas is right in rejecting that view as too limited and as politically dangerous. Auschwitz, after all, did not result from too much enlightened reason (even though it was organized as a perfectly rationalized death factory), but from a violent anti-enlightenment and anti-modern affect, which exploited modernity ruthlessly for its own purposes. At the same time, Habermas's characterization of the French post-Nietzschean vision of modernité as simply anti-modern or, as it were, postmodern, itself implies too limited an account of modernity, at least as far as aesthetic modernity is concerned.