By Sorin Antohi, Vladimir Tismaneanu
The 10th anniversary of the cave in of communism in critical and japanese Europe is the foundation for this article which displays upon the previous ten years and what lies forward for the longer term. a world staff of lecturers and public intellectuals, together with former dissidents and energetic politicians, have interaction in an alternate at the antecedents, motives, contexts, meanings and legacies of the 1989 revolutions. The members tackle numerous concerns together with liberal democracy and its enemies; modernity and discontent; financial reforms and their social impression; ethnicity; nationalism and faith; geopolitics; electoral platforms and political energy; eu integration; and the dying of Yugoslavia.
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Extra info for Between Past and Future: The Revolution of 1989 and Their Aftermath
They had a preference for ideological hybrids and for the political center. Civic politics balances two concerns, those of security (protection, maintenance) and those of improvement (progress, reform). We might call this a form of progressive conservatism. But in Poland, at least, another term became popular, vividly expressing the widespread skepticism about the extremes of the political spectrum and about what passed for consistency in politics. Many in the anticommunist opposition signed up to Leszek Kolakowski's liberal socialist conservative mani festo.
The loyalty of a subject is different: it expresses 32 KarolSoltan itself only in the protection of its object as it is. A subject attempts to maintain and restore the past without change. A citizen maintains or restores continuity with the past, allowing for change and even insisting on it. This contrast may not sound very substantial on paper, but it marks the difference between the democratic politics of civic societies and the fundamentalism that now feeds contemporary forms of destructive poli tics.
Hungary has signed treaties concerning these issues with its two neighbors, Slovakia and Romania. Poland was prompt to recognize Ukrainian and Lithuanian independence and acts as a stabilizing and democratizing actor vis-a-vis its eastern neighbors. Even the Czechoslovak divorce (unlike the Yugoslav breakup) was a velvet one. All three factors are unprecedented in the modern history of Central Europe and contrast with the relative instability of the Balkans connected with the wars of succession in the former Yugoslavia, the collapse of the Albanian state at the very moment when war and ethnic cleansing returned to Kosovo, not to mention the latent Greek-Turkish rivalry in the region.