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By Lionel Caplan

One of the legacies of the colonial come upon are any variety of modern ‘mixed-race’ populations, descendants of the offspring of sexual unions regarding eu males (colonial officers, investors, etc.) and native ladies. those teams invite critical scholarly recognition simply because they not just problem notions of a inflexible divide among colonizer and colonized, yet beg a number of questions on continuities and adjustments within the postcolonial global. This publication matters one such workforce, the Eurasians of India, or Anglo-Indians as they got here to be certain. Caplan provides an historicized ethnography in their modern lives as those relate either to the colonial earlier and to stipulations within the current. particularly, he forcefully exhibits that includes which theorists go along with the postcolonial current — blurred obstacles, a number of identities, creolized cultures — were a part of the colonial earlier to boot. offering a strong argument opposed to theoretically essentialized notions of tradition, hybridity and postcoloniality, this ebook is a much-needed contribution to fresh debates in cultural reports, literary thought, anthropology, sociology in addition to ancient reviews of colonialism, ‘mixed-race’ populations and cosmopolitan identities.

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The church history of Madras provides additional evidence of the pattern of Anglo-Indian settlement in the city. There were, of course, – 45 – Children of Colonialism several churches to which Portuguese Catholics had access in San Thome before the establishment of Fort St George. And, as already noted, there were places of worship in the Fort for both Roman Catholics (St Andrews) and Church of England adherents (St Mary’s), many of whom were AngloIndians. With European and Eurasian settlement outside the Fort new churches and chapels were built.

I started this job in 1984. Most of the drillers working for this [German] company are Anglo-Indians. The assistant drillers are mostly [other] Indians, and the lower categories, roughnecks, are Philippinos. We work with people from all over. Anglo-Indians stood a good chance because the language of communication was English. They didn’t ask for qualifications. If you had a good body [ie. were strong] they took you. When you reach a certain standard they send you out for courses. Here, Indian [oil exploration] companies want graduates.

44; see also Arnold 1983: 140). We may be reasonably certain that the local women they consorted with were from humble backgrounds, which may go some way to explain the collective amnesia concerning female ancestors among so many Anglo-Indian families. Most Anglo-Indian writers, when they address the issue at all, understandably prefer to note the worthy, even distinguished family backgrounds of these women. When John Ricketts came to Britain in 1830 to plead the Anglo-Indian cause before Parliament he was asked at one point about ‘the native mothers of East Indians’ (as the Anglo-Indians were – 23 – Children of Colonialism then called) and replied that in Bengal ‘the greater proportion of them are .

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