By J. C. Yardley, J. E. Atkinson
This e-book provides a translation, with remark, of a massive Roman resource at the finish of the reign of Alexander the good. booklet 10 of Curtius' Histories covers the reign of terror and mutiny that upon Alexander's go back from India; and provides the fullest account of the ability fight that begun in Babylon instantly after his demise. The advent establishes a profile of Curtius Rufus (quite most likely a Roman Senator of the 1st century AD), and his time table as a historian. John Yardley's translation and the remark are designed for the reader with out Latin. The remark presents distinctive research of the old occasions of the the most important interval 325-3 BC lined via Curtius, and in addition attempts to get in the back of the skin point of desiring to convey how Curtius meant his background to be a textual content for his time. Curtius' textual content can also be tested as a literary success in its personal correct.
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Extra resources for Curtius Rufus, Histories of Alexander the Great
6, and opposed Ptolemy’s plan at Babylon (Curtius 10. 6. ). Curtius picked up his role in saving Alexander’s life at the Mallian city from Cleitarchus or Timagenes (9. 5. 15 –18). Arrian mentions Aristonus as one of the Bodyguards at 6. 28. 4, immediately naming Aristobulus (and not Ptolemy) as his source. Roisman (1984), 382 notes that this only shows that Aristobulus did record this detail, and not that Ptolemy suppressed the information. S. 18. 55. 2), and Bosworth (2002), 41–2 finds this significant as indicating the source of Curtius’ 22 Introduction turn means that if, for example, Curtius features Perdiccas in the battle for the city of the Memaeceni (7.
9. Atkinson (1980), 365–6 finds another possible misreading of a Greek source at 4. 8. 4. Then there is the notorious case of the place name Arvae (6. 4. 23), which Steele, pp. 50–1, took to arise from a misunderstanding of the Greek participle aras (‘setting off ’), as found at A. 3. 23. 6. 110 Berve, ii. p. 429. 111 He is paired by Curtius with Euctemon, whose name, meaning ‘well-oV’ provides a nice irony. This case is somewhere between elaboration and Wctionalizing. So far the historiographical issues, but it remains to consider in what ways Curtius’ Roman context may have interfered with his pursuit of the truth and with his presentation of the history of Alexander.
4. 7. 2), 10. 2. 24 (with A. 7. 9. 6 and Plut. Alex. 2). On the other hand, there are cases where Curtius is at odds with Arrian or omits detail given by Arrian, when Ptolemy can reasonably be expected to have had information from his own experience: so, for example, at Curtius 3. 11. 16 (contrast A. 2. 11. 8), 3. 12. 13 V. (contrast A. 2. 12. ), 4. 8. 1–6 on Alexandria and the settlement of Egypt (contrast A. 3. 1. 5–2. 2, and 5. 2–7), 5. 4 on the battle for the Persian Gates (no mention of Ptolemy though he was involved: A.