By Robert B. Talisse
This publication severely evaluates liberalism, the dominant try out within the culture of political philosophy to supply a philosophical beginning for democracy, and argues for a notion of deliberative democracy to satisfy this need.
No one wishing to own a concise but conceptually finished account of the questions bedeviling liberalism may be disenchanted with Robert B. Talisse's Democracy After Liberalism
. -- New Political Science
A concise and transparent evaluate of latest political theory...This is a publication to be learn with revenue via professor, pupil, and layperson alike. Talisse skillfully summarizes debates that fill cabinets of books, offering bills that not just are conceptually transparent but in addition body the talk for additional investigation...The advantage of Democracy After Liberalism is that it effectively clarifies the positions and the stakes of up to date debates in political philosophy. after all, Talisse himself can't be stated to have provided a couple of hugely believable and interesting answer to the confusion of political principles within which we are living. this is often no suggest accomplishment, and Democracy After Liberalism makes for lucrative reading... Liberalism isn't really entire but; no longer in reality and positively no longer in the type of deliberativism set forth in Talisse's very good booklet. --Project Muse
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Extra resources for Democracy After Liberalism: Pragmatism and Deliberative Politics
NE, 1094b6—10) Moreover, the good of the individual consists in sharing in the polis; an individual’s good exists within his role in the polis. Thus, the individual’s good is subordinate to that of the polis. With the grounds for Aristotle’s rejection of the first two liberal commitments in view, it is easy to anticipate Aristotle’s reactions to the remaining liberal principles. As the polis exists for the sake of living well, and as it aims at this through its laws, it is clear that Aristotle would reject political neutrality; for it is the job of the polis to promote excellence, arete, in its citizens, and this requires that legislation be nonneutral among competing conceptions of the good.
Indeed, liberals often wonder what the theoretical differences between liberals and republicans amount to in the practical realm of social policy. Will Kymlicka, for example, has characterized the debate between left-leaning liberals, like himself, and left-leaning civic republicans, such as Sandel, as “internecine, unnecessary, and counterproductive”: People on the left who agree on 95 percent of the actual issues confronting our society spend all of their time arguing with each other about the five percent of issues we disagree about, rather than fighting alongside each other for the 95 percent of issues we have in common.
The state is justified in obstructing an individual in his pursuit of his conception of the good only in cases where his action interferes with another’s legitimate pursuit of the good. The liberal’s commitment to moral autonomy also constrains state action in establishing policy, hence the liberal principle of political neutrality: Political Neutrality. 7 Dworkin captures well these further commitments, Liberals believe . . the government must be neutral in matters of personal morality . . it must leave people free to live as they think best so long as they do not harm others.