By Kevin McDermott
This available textual content offers a accomplished narrative and interpretative account of the total background of the Communist foreign, 1919-1943. via incorporating the latest Western and Soviet examine the authors clarify the mythical complexities of Comintern background and chart its degeneration from a progressive internationalist enterprise into an obedient software of Soviet overseas coverage. Key issues comprise: continuities and discontinuities among the Leninist and Stalinist stages, Bolshevisation as opposed to nationwide traditions, and the position of top contributors within the Comintern equipment. a variety of files will elucidate those relevant issues.
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Additional resources for The Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin
It was headed for many years by Osip Piatnitsky, a staunch Bolshevik stalwart. The Department conducted the clandestine activities of the Comintern abroad, including the distribution of confidential directives and propaganda material, the forging of passports and identity papers for overseas agents and the implementation of espionage operations. Later, under Stalin, the OMS collaborated with the Soviet security and military intelligence organs before falling victim to the Terror in 1937. 31 The Bolsheviks had no qualms about funding the international communist movement.
I am speaking of it in the narrowest sense of the word, taking international significance to mean the international validity or the historical inevitability of a repetition, on an international scale, of what has taken place in our country. COMINTERN IN THE ERA OF LENIN 17 The principal lesson was that 'absolute centralisation and rigorous discipline in the proletariat are an essential condition of victory over the bourgeoisie'. 20 These were qualities which distinguished the Bolshevik party from social democratic bodies, but which were still lacking in the emergent communist groupings.
Whatever the case, on 4 March 1919 the Communist International formally came into being. The ideological split in the world labour movement had been institutionalised. What else did the founding congress decide? The principal document, Trotsky's 'Manifesto to the Proletariat of the Entire World' (document 2), is noteworthy for its uncharacteristic silence on the role of the party in the forthcoming revolutionary struggles. Indeed, congress did not debate the nature and tasks of the party. With Europe apparently on the eve of revolution and few communist organisations in existence, the concept of highly centralised parties forming 'sections' of a 'world party' was as yet undeveloped.